Palestine
as a Global Agenda
By
Rachid Al-Ghannouchi, 1994
ZIONISM
IS BOTH alien and illegitimate in origin: it is a hegemonist and
nationalist project rooted and nourished on the traditional European
impulse towards expansion and domination. The founding fathers of
the Zionist adventure were not in any way believers in Judaism,
not even in its distorted, rabbinical form: they were in essence
pragmatists who exploited the Jewish heritage as a means to achieve
their nationalistic goals. All this, moreover, was done within the
broader context of Western strategic hopes for the destabilizing
and enfeebling of the Islamic world.
Because
Zionism's progenitors were European in their training and mental
orientation, they did not find it difficult to reach an understanding
with Western politicians, exploiting their own financial power through
their extensive and committed Diaspora, until the Zionist agenda
became subsumed under the more general objectives of nineteenth-century
European imperialism. The idea of inserting an alien polity into
the very heart of the Islamic world, which would exhaust its resources
and obstruct any attempt at reforging Muslim unity, proved immediately
appealing to European policy-makers and served well the new Western
orientation which was materialistic, secular, and obsessed with
the idea of territorial expansion.
The
Centrality of the Palestine Issue
Zionism
can be seen as hostile to every element rooted in ethical and religious
principles (excepting those remnants, which can be exploited as
slogans and national myths). It both represents and serves the new
existential ethos which transforms the human race into 'marketing'
and 'geopolitical' units which can be deployed, rewarded or punished
by the powers that be, who are accountable to no-one save themselves.
Zionism,
then, nurtured by and in turn nurturing this global pseudo-civilization,
represents a secular onslaught on the heart of our Islamic nation.
The Islamic project, by contrast, is its polar opposite, representing
the hope that human civilization can be rescued from this new worship
of the golden calf To speak of saving Palestine from the Zionists
is to speak simultaneously of one's hope for a global liberation.
The 'Palestinian cause' does not signify the simple reconquest of
a patch of territory occupied by aggressors. It is not even about
peace and war; Its implications go much further. For to strike at
Zionism in Palestine is to strike at the enemy in its new citadel,
which it has constructed at the centre of the world, in the very
heart of our Muslim nation, in a land which has always been of unlimited
strategic and spiritual fecundity. The West, as a civilization,
seems set to extend its influence to the heartland of the Old World,
the better to destroy the surviving traces of spiritual resistance
which have remained intact there, and finally to obliterate mans
remaining hopes for the rebirth of a civilization which is qualitative
and humane, rather than quantitative and secular.
Liberating
the Liberators
Perhaps
the most damaging reason for the failure - or at least the present
enfeeblement - of liberation efforts in Palestine to date can be
found in the weakness of their intellectual underpinnings. Far too
many thinkers in the region have failed to grasp the wider strategic
and ideational dimensions of the conflict. Only when these are understood
can the foundations be Laid FOR an authentic programme of training
and acculturation aimed at imparting to would-be liberators a true
understanding of the Zionist assault on humanity, and of the heavy
responsibilities carried by everyone who still believes in God,
humanity, and freedom. It is vital, therefore, that the leaders
of the renascent Islamic movement attempt to understand the Zionists
and their neo-Crusader allies, and learn how to bring the Islamic
alternative to the attention of educated people. It is a tragic
fact that a large majority of those presently active in the struggle
against Zionism have little inkling of its true global and historical
significance; and that many are attempting to fight it with ideas
and concepts of Western origin which can only render them mentally
subservient to it. It is for this reason that we now see most Palestinian
factions drawn into the orbit of global organizations of purely
Western inspiration and allegiance achieving nothing, and at the
same time divorcing themselves from the culture and support of their
own people. It would be hard to deny, too, that many such leaders
have become, consciously or otherwise, accessories to the Zionist
undertaking. For although psychological and cultural liberation
is a precondition for the success of any attempt at material liberation,
most of the resistance movements use slogans and models whose nature
differs very little in reality from those of the Zionist enemy.
"Every
effort made to restore art, thought, and literature to a high
and principled standard, calling people to God and not to
the lower self; every effort made to challenge the inequitable
and self-destructive economics of the age and to replace them
with a system in which the profit motive is subordinate to
principles of justice and fraternity; every effort made to
topple autocracies and to broaden mass participation in decision-making;
every effort made towards reuniting the Muslim world and restoring
the principle of brotherhood and honourable cooperation among
peoples: all these efforts will represent steps towards the
liberation of Palestine.
This,
then, is what we 'Islamic activists' mean by the centrality
of the Palestine issue. Nevertheless, we should affirm that
this 'vertical and horizontal' strategy for recovering Palestine
does not in any way rule out the pursuit of other liberation
projects. Rather, it should be the basis and the model for
our struggle with secular materialism on all levels."
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In
the light of the above, we can see how important is the transformation
represented by the Intifada. This popular uprising has already succeeded
in restoring the vigour of the Palestinian movement, and in wresting
the initiative from the hands of the old Palestinian leadership,
with all its Arab and international connections that have proved
so useless, and placing it into the hands of the oppressed people
themselves. This widening of the struggle, the fruit of a categorical
change in Palestinian policy, can be attributed in large measure
to the popular return to Islam. The spirit, in other words, has
returned to the body - and it has moved.
What
the heroes of the Intifada have appreciated, albeit not always with
the requisite clarity, is that their enemy is not an isolated aberration
of history, but represents an intensified form of a global undertaking
which today spreads octopus-like over the whole planet, embracing
and transforming every aspect of existence by means of its economics,
communications, arts, and literature, or - more crudely - through
the presence of its fleets, intelligence agencies, and the recruitment
of local converts. Any attempt to liberate Palestine must, therefore,
seek to operate on the same global and all-encompassing level. However,
this project of global purification must be accomplished under the
sign of an Islam, which recalls its spiritual as well as its moral
vocation. For only this stands any chance of succeeding in the Islamic
project to reinvigorate our cultural life, our behaviour, our economies,
and our families. Every effort made to restore art, thought, and
literature to a high and principled standard, calling people to
God and not to the lower self; every effort made to challenge the
inequitable and self-destructive economics of the age and to replace
them with a system in which the profit motive is subordinate to
principles of justice and fraternity; every effort made to topple
autocracies and to broaden mass participation in decision-making;
every effort made towards reuniting the Muslim world and restoring
the principle of brotherhood and honourable cooperation among peoples:
all these efforts will represent steps towards the liberation of
Palestine.
This,
then, is what we 'Islamic activists' mean by the centrality of the
Palestine issue. Nevertheless, we should affirm that this 'vertical
and horizontal' strategy for recovering Palestine does not in any
way rule out the pursuit of other liberation projects. Rather, it
should be the basis and the model for our struggle with secular
materialism on all levels.
Let
it also be noted by the Islamic leadership that ever since the Palestinian
issue emerged onto the stage of Arab politics in the 1940's, it
has been the main factor which brings certain individuals and groups
into either prominence or eclipse, in proportion to the sincere
and steadfast loyalty - or otherwise - which they bring to it. For
the Palestinian cause is an inherently noble one, which ennobles
those who espouse it, and gives them, far more than they give to
it. It represents one of the most efficient access points to people's
hearts - and an authentic qualification to lead them.
The
men and women who are struggling for freedom within Palestine itself,
which is, as we have suggested, the central front, are entitled
to expect instant and automatic assistance from those who are working
on other fronts, however seemingly remote. For Israeli Zionism,
itself draws eighty percent of its income and prosperity from Jewish
organizations abroad. To keep this central front open and operational
in the heart of the enemy is a responsibility and a trust falling
on the shoulders of all Muslims and other free people around the
world. It will also serve as a model, and a source of living inspiration
and hope, to all believing peoples, however apparently weak, and
will encourage them to stand up and defy the totalitarian regimes,
which are ruling them not by consent, but with Western technical,
political and economic support. If the Muslims continue to weaken
Zionism in Palestine, which is its citadel, then how could they
fail to do so elsewhere.' It is thus in the interests of every believer,
however immediate his own situation, to lend his support to the
Palestinian cause.
The
reality is that the Zionist project, being violent, aggressive,
and secular, is formidable in its potency. Its power can only be
drained by mobilizing the resources of the entire Muslim nation.
In addition, the resources in question are not merely of a military
nature; they extend also to worlds as disparate as thought art and
economics. They are also, and pre-eminently, spiritual: demanding
a return to the principles of renunciation, repentance, piety, reliance
on God, yearning for the ultimate meeting with Him, the spirit of
Islamic fraternity, selflessness, and the certainty that the final
victory shall go to God and the believers. No project undertaken
on this tremendous scale can be 'regional,' or 'Palestinian,' or
Arab.' It is far broader. It represents nothing less than a struggle
which is at once cultural, Islamic, and humanitarian, We must, therefore,
light the fires of longing, resistance, and sacrifice everywhere
on earth. For Palestine will not be retrieved until there is war
against oppression in all its forms throughout the world.
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